Sunday, September 29, 2019
Political Efficacy Essay
FACT: No Black person has ever been elected as president of the                                    United States of America.                        FACT: In spite of Blacks’ considerable population in America, very                                    few Black Representatives are elected; if elected, they still                                    remain in low positions in the government.            These concepts remain to be unsolved puzzles that need deeper attention. These lead me to do a research regarding the present situation of Blacks in their political system and their way of thinking and behaving with regards to political matters that concerns them.            This paper focuses mainly on how the issue on political efficacy among Blacks largely affects the views of people around the world. The paper aims to answer the major question: What major factors affect trends and even inconsistency in political efficacy among Blacks?            Based on my research, there are six major causes on why Blacks have very low political efficacy compared to non-Blacks, namely: segregation, political cynicism, socio-economic status, and awareness of inequality.            These issues among Blacks concern us all. We can recall that Blacks have been a great part of world history and have major contributions on the world’s culture. The Blacks are the representation of almost all the other races in the world. My point is, in our world today, the mirror of reality shows us the two divisions of the world: the Whites, and the rest of the world. What is happening to the Blacks in almost all terms of their lives is happening to the ‘rest of the world’. Despite of their great number compared to Whites, the Whites still out-numbered them in terms of political, economical, educational, social, and all other rights. This research on political efficacy can fill or clear the gap primarily between the Whites and the Blacks. This paper will present the effects of the factors of political efficacy (segregation, socio-economic status, etc.) on the Blacks so that when there comes a time that the government will make policies, they know how these policies may affect the Blacks. The paper will also focus on the involvement and behavior of non-Blacks that might affect or is already affecting Blacks’ behavior and concerns in politics. LITERATURE REVIEW            Scholars even from the past have been interested in studying political behaviors of the Blacks. One of the primary reasons of their interest might be the paradox on the large population but low political efficacy among Blacks. â€Å"Sense of political efficacy, according to Campbell, is the feeling that individual political action does have, or can have an impact upon political process.†Political efficacy as a whole is about â€Å"the impact of the individual citizen: the citizen affects political and social processes through elections, lobbying and other way of influencing political actors who in turn are expected to be responsive to the citizens’ interests and implement policy through their work and decisions effectively.†(Schneider 2006, p.1) Scholars construct several theories regarding political efficacy and conduct vast number of researches such as interviews, surveys, and observations. They even consult differ ent books, magazines and journal publications about political efficacy.            Scholars present theories and go deeper to finding about the patterns, cause, behavioral conditions, internal and external factors that might be the key to explaining the issues on political efficacy among Blacks.            Ananat and Washington pointed that segregation has a negative impact on Black political efficacy. The more segregated the metro areas are, the less likely that its residents are represented in the United States House by an individual who is from the Democratic Party or who votes in accordance with the desires of Black residents on civil rights and other issues. â€Å"We do however find evidence that in more segregated areas, non-Blacks are more likely to hold negative views of Blacks and of the policies that aid Blacks†¦. As Blacks are a minority of the population, in all metro areas, this polarization could explain the finding that Black civic efficacy is decreasing in segregation.†(Ananat and Washington 2006, p.4)            Poverty and resultant environment of deprivation were the driving factors in low levels of political efficacy (Woodly p.2). Ananat and Washington also agree when they stated that lower income subgroups are less likely to vote. They even mention that Blacks in more segregated metropolitan areas are fare worse than their counterparts in less segregated areas on a variety of economic outcomes (2006 p.20 & 26).            According to Schley, R. Lyons, political cynicism is the belief that the government officials and authorities cannot be trusted. At all political levels of education, Black youth felt less politically efficacious and were more cynical than white youth. This has been remarkably constant across time and region.            Woodly argues that because of Blacks’ awareness of inequality, they are both less politically trusting and less politically efficacious. (Woodly p.27) The Clark tests found that Black children were more ambivalent about the racial identities than White and they identify themselves more closely with Whites. (Woodly p.11) This statement alone will show that Blacks tend to lose trust in the government on whether they will be given equal rights like the Whites as they give out their votes. These doubts will prove the unwillingness of the Blacks to vote. In this era of globalization, the media takes part in almost all the events that concerns the people’s view on everyday news and issues. Robinson (1976) argues that increase viewing of television programs increases the frustration with the political system and cynicism. Similarly, media use might also reduce the feeling of control held by the political institutions over the world. (Schneider 2006 p. 3)            From all these sources that I have gathered, I have observed one inconsistency in the work of Ananat and Washington. They stated that the more segregated Blacks are the more contact they have with other Blacks and the more likely they are to be able to influence Black political behavior. However, they also mention a contradicting statement that segregation decreases Black voter turnout and/or increases non-Black voter turnout resulting in a decrease in Black civic efficacy.            The problem with some writers is they did not consider the other factors that may have an effect on political efficacy of Blacks such as history, religious beliefs and family or tribes traditions. There are also statements and even researches that are not very much relevant to the topic. The purpose of this paper is to summarize the points of the authors in the different works related to my topic for us to view the bigger picture. THEORIES AND HYPOTHESES Factors of Political Efficacy in Blacks            In the effort of explaining the present situation and behavior of political efficacy among Blacks, we first explain some concepts that I have crossed referenced from a number of literatures and arguments that tackles the same concept of political efficacy (as given in the review of literature). And from these sources, I have derived these following certain points and factors wherein I believe political efficacy among Blacks can be further explained and in these factors I have given closer attention and consideration. Racial Segregation. In this study of political efficacy in Blacks, it is impossible not to consider the status and limitations of interactions of Blacks with other races; which gives the concept of segregation or racial segregation. Racial segregation is quite different from racial discrimination; the latter being ranging from individual actions to enforced discriminatory behavior. Racial segregation is typically the spatial and institutional separation of races; as exemplified by separate neighborhoods, attending different schools and receiving different social services (Wikipedia). Economic Status. Although economic status have numerous meanings and measures, its use and meaning will be in accordance with the context of income. In this study, we use poverty rates as the general measure of economic status; a measure that can be easily quantified and compared in the process of analysis. Political Cynicism. Literally, cynicism is the belief of using self-interest as the main motive of behavior (Wikipedia). In the political context, political cynicism can be defined as the belief that government officials and authorities can not be trusted (Woodly, p. 2). From this definition, we can plainly use political cynicism as a measure of external political inefficacy as suggested by opposition of the government and its policies. Self-esteem. In its common term, can literally and plainly mean trust to one’s self. In the context of this study, self-esteem will be constantly interrelated with self-efficacy and political efficacy as well. However, this does not mean that self efficacy and self-esteem are the same; it may even mean the opposite at times. Woody even supports the difference between the two and limited self-efficacy as the sense of competence or personal control of one’s self (Woody, p. 13). Institutional Inequality. Because this study is about the behavior of a certain race or identity, it can not be helped that certain clashes and conflicts are met in between this race and the environment. As we study the behavior of Blacks, we will also consider their interactions with the non-Blacks. Institutional inequality can be referred to as the dominance of non-Blacks over Blacks considering the imbalance in number of representations and policies in the government and other institutions.            Black Political Efficacy as a Whole            In the comparative works done in understanding the political efficacy on blacks in its current context, this paper addresses the matter as a byproduct and interrelation of numerous factors and events and not just a simple cause and effect phenomena.            Although rigorous studies and measures were made in trying to explain black political efficacy as a whole, we now try to get a bigger picture by compiling these works and adding new factors into the matter such as the social events that may have affected the present situation.            As earlier discussed in this study, numerous inconsistencies and non-correlation of factors have been observed and given much attention. This includes the inconsistencies on segregation (of Blacks and Whites) and the matter itself of political efficacy in the work of Ananat and Washington(2006).            In the work of Ananat and Washington (2006), it has been stated that the more blacks have contact with each other, the more likely they will influence political behavior (Ananat and Washington 2006, p. 3). But then again, she then deduced that segregation or groupings of Blacks causes political inefficacy as prescribed by their voter-turnout (Ananat and Washington 2006, p. 20). Judging these statements, we now turn on the assumption that there is a different driving factor that correlates segregation and political efficacy among Blacks. Having these views, we now look at another concept – political cynicism among Blacks. Although there may be relations between political cynicism and segregation, the relation is very vague. In another study (Woodly), political efficacy among Blacks was found to be quite varied among communities, may it be segregated from Whites or not. Having established the contrast between the two (segregation and political cynicism), political cynicism and Black political efficacy can now be correlated independent of segregation. Just form the definition itself of political cynicism; it is no longer a question that cynicism significantly correlates with low political efficacy; more particularly with external political efficacy. We can now eliminate segregation and p[political efficacy and take a much closer look at cynicism in further understanding this subject.            Although segregation’s direct link with political efficacy has been disproven, we now look upon how it indirectly affects efficacy by being a variable in other considerable factors. In the same study between segregation and efficacy (Ananat and Washington 2006), economic status; as measured by rates of poverty; was tackled as it varies in segregated and non-segregated areas. To see the point of comparisons between segregation and economic status, we must first see how economic status and political efficacy relates to each other. Through additional studies, it was significantly concluded that political efficacy among Blacks decreases in communities of high poverty rates. These are supported by reports that lower income sub-groups are less likely to vote (Ananat and Washington 2006, p. 20). This exemplifies that Blacks loses trust and hope in the political issues, government policies, and even in the government itself when they are in low income status. We now establish the trend that as economic status increase, political efficacy increases as well. We now go back to the comparisons between segregation and economic status among Blacks. The trend exhibits a very high correlation between being segregated and being of low economic status among Blacks, and vice versa (Ananat and Washington 2006, p. 20). The opposite goes to Whites, the more they are in less contact with Blacks, the higher their economic status is (Ananat and Washington 2006, p. 20). From here, we may deduce that in non-segregated areas where Whites interact more with Blacks, it seems that Whites are less productive or work-oriented. Intuitively, we can sense the concept of power-play between Blacks and Whites. And based on these assumptions, we can now introduce another factor into the matter of political efficacy among Blacks – the concept of institutional inequality. In this matter of institutional inequality, we may find that non-Blacks has the need to be segregated from and dominant over Blacks for social and economic efficiency, as supported by Ananat and Washington’s study. In the point of view of Black’s, this is very apparent and the effect to their economic actions has been proven. In metro areas where there are more job and income opportunities, it has been found that these are also the places where Blacks are the minority of the population (Ananat and Washington 2006, p. 4). This play of domination is not just in the context of the working office. In further studies, it seems that these trends have rooted from the pillars of the social community; more specifically from the childhood environment. In the findings of Kardiner and Ovesey (1951), it is significantly seen that Black children have negative evaluation of themselves, thus giving room for the concept of inequality. The more alarming idea in this study is that these children tend to start having cynicism tendencies at these young ages (Lyons 1970, p. 290). At these stages, studies have concluded that Black children derive their self-esteem by blaming the system or the government itself (McCarthy and Yancey 1971). These statements are supported by Hughes’ tests wherein the self-efficacy of these children; which is defined as competence and self-control; significantly scores lower than non-Black children. Relating this to political efficacy, we may find that this institutional inequality really does exist in the community. This then causes economic drops in the status of Black adults, and at the same time, develops the tendencies of children for political cynicism. Having laid all these factors into the way, this leads nowhere else but to the decreased political efficacy among Blacks. CONCLUSION            Political efficacy among Blacks is not simply a matter of societal chance and thinking; it has a more complicated nature wherein a number of factors constantly defy and support each other. Although there are already numerous studies concerning the political efficacy in Blacks, it is found that there may be points and arguments that need more detail and attention; and some may even be misinterpreted and incorrect. The interrelation between segregation and political efficacy, though thoroughly studied and measured, in the end is found to have no direct link after all. However, having a direct effect on economic status (segregated areas have lower economic use for Blacks), segregation is still a factor in this matter. Economic downfall (measured by poverty rates), turns out to be a good reason and explanation of being less efficacious. On the other hand, the concept of political cynicism has; no doubt; the most understandable direct relation with political efficacy in Blacks. Simply from its definition of opposition to the government, political inefficacy increase along with levels of cynicism. Institutional inequality, by being present in a number of ways, has a lot of bearing in the status of Blacks. Its evident effect in economic status is proven by giving more financial advantage to the dominating race or group. And in turn, having deflected economic outcomes, affects political efficacy of Blacks. Not only that, these imbalance in equality is a basis of varying self-esteem. obviously, those of the dominating class will have higher self-esteem than the â€Å"lower class†, which in this case are the Blacks. The status of Blacks in the community; though it may be ignored and jeopardized; is still should be of concern to each and everyone. Although this study of literature and points of different authors about political efficacy is not a substitute in solving the problem stated, I hope to lighten and broaden the points by trying to look in different perspectives in the hopes of clearing out conflicts that may be or is already there. Having scanned and analyzed the articles concerning political efficacy among Blacks, I also have done my part in further strengthening their arguments; and if needed; also try to clarify and correct some inconsistencies and conflicts for intellectual purposes. But most of all, this paper is intended for readers to understand the situation and thinking of fellow Blacks, so that in the future we may have a deeper knowledge and consideration in our actions as to how it may affect each and every one of us.  References Ananat, Elizabeth O. and Washington, Ebonya. 2006. â€Å"Segregation and Black Political Efficacy.†New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Hughes, M. a. D. H. D. 1989. Self-Perceptions of Black Americans: Self-Esteem and Personal Efficacy. The American Journal of Sociology 95(1):132–159. Kardiner, A., and Ovesey, L. 1951. The Mark of Oppression. New York: Norton. Lyons, S. 1970. â€Å"The Political Socialization of Ghetto Children: Efficacy and cynicism.†Journal of Politics 32: 288-304. McCarthy, J. and W. L. Yancey. 1971. Reply to Washington by McCarthy and Yancey. American Journal of Sociology. 77: 590. Schneider, Daniel. â€Å"Extending Political Efficacy: Voters Perceptions of Efficacy of Elected Officials.†June 2006. http://www.stanford.edu/~danielsc/prop_nes_pilot_2006.pdf (November 30, 2007). Wikipedia. â€Å"Racial segregation.†December 3, 2007. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Racial_segregation (December 3, 2007). Wikipedia. â€Å"Cynicism.†November 30, 2007. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cynicism (December 3, 2007). Woodly, Deva. â€Å"Black Youth Book Project: Political Efficacy Literature Review.†http://blackyouthproject.uchicago.edu/primers/reviews/efficacy.pdf (November 30, 2007). Â
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